Do not stare at their faces. Do not look at their dresses. Do not laugh. Do NOT try to talk to them. Just walk straight. Look far away. Do NOT laugh.
My mom repeated endless instructions as we planned to visit a local street market for the first time since my dad's transfer to Tizit, a remote village in Mon, the “backward” region in northeast India. His promotion as inspector in the state police earned him the transfer in a new duty station. The 6th Nagaland Armed Police Battalion in Tizit was a fairly new unit and the most unfavorable destination of all the six police units in Nagaland, and the most dangerous. The area was infested with separatist National Socialist Council of Nagaland rebels, popularly known as “the underground.” But this was also the land of the fierce dao-carrying tribes, the head-hunting Konyaks.
All of us carried some impressions about this tribe as we prepared to leave for the market. I was 11 years old. Boys in my neighborhood had filled my ears with bits of bizarre images about them.
They just wear a strip of cloth to cover their genitals. (Even women wore scantily on their top and covered their chest with heavy traditional ornaments.)
They have black teeth. (Because they chew katha-paan, a mix of wild red bark, beetle leave and raw beetle nut that perpetually made their teeth black)
They cut off your head if you laugh at them. (It was believed they hung human skulls around their houses to show off their valor and compete to become the village lord, gaonbura).
They drink opium flavored tea. (Tea mixed with opium, known as kani.)
As we were reaching the market I could see blur images of some nearly cloth-less men walking on the sides of the road. At that age I was already aware that walking naked was immensely obscene. My sense of decency mattered to me immensely. After all I was taught in school that a proper dress is the mark of civilization. Therefore, these scenes of half-clothed men resembled pictures in my history book that talked of Iron Age.
Dad’s driver pulled the Jeep near a huge mound of red soil through which passed a 2-lane state highway. As I got out from the back of the vehicle, I saw several pairs of walking buttocks of brown men who hung their flickering dao, a machete with a very short handle, on their backs. All walked barefoot. Their neatly trimmed head resembled a mushroom sprout. Some men wore necklace that had replicas of human skulls. Later, dad told me that the numbers of the head in this skull-necklace increased as they added human heads in their houses. Most adults had the tribal blue marks on their face with some dots in their chin. Their cheek bone rose prominently in sunken cheeks. One could count the neat shape of the muscle in their arms, thighs and back. I thought if they spread their arms sideways, they would become a perfect scarecrow. I whispered my thoughts to my mom. But she walked stone-faced. Perhaps any manifested humor would mean another head in the house of the tribe.
The market smelled raw vegetables near the street and smell of dried fish came at the other end. One tribal man wearing half-pants and vest had spread out large chunks of pork meat on the table. His hands were smeared with blood. Other men and women squatted on the floor with their produce. Some smoked bidi, unrefined tobacco wrapped in tendu leaf. They sold yams, wild shoots, michinga leaves, peppers, cucumbers, mustard leaves and many more roots and weeds whose names remain a mystery even today. In the interior portion of the market some makeshift shops were set up by the Biharis, Assamese, Marwaris. These were the plainmanus, people from the plains, or people from different states of the Indian union other than the hilly Nagaland.
Truly speaking, anyone from outside Nagaland was a plainmanu – an outsider. It was the obvious anthropological distinction. The Nagas, comprising Angami, Ao, Sema, Konyaks, Lotha, Rengma, and more than a dozen other tribes, were indigenous to the state who spoke their own tribal dialects of the Tibeto-Burman family. All others were plainmanus who spoke other Indian languages. The neighboring Assamese people influenced in the development of Nagamese, a pidgin with Assamese and Hindi vocabulary that became the lingua franca of the Nagas. We all spoke Nagamese. It is this language that binds the locals and the plainmanus. Underneath this bond, however, exists a tension that no plainmanu wants to ignite.
Plainmanus were denounced because they held jobs that locals would have held. They ran the administration, business, hospitals and schools since the 1950s when the Indian government brought in “outsiders” to run the state machinery. Some people came from nearby Nepal. Dad got enlisted in the early 1960s after working as an elephant-chaser in Bhutan as a boy, and later, working for a judge in Assam. Now after nearly 25 years in service, he spoke most of the Naga languages, but not Konyak, and knew how to deal with the locals and the undergrounds who were becoming more militant in demand of their rights. He would always keep several 750 ml. of XXX Rum for unexpected strangers. I was beginning to realize that when the rebels needed some revelry they would come to our house. When dad asked his orderly to carry couple XXX bottles, I knew there was someone in the market who had to be acknowledged. That was necessary for a plainmanu’s survival.
Of course, as a boy, I had heard it all and seen it all. In this market when my mom selectively chose to stop at shops run either by a plainmanu or less ornamental local women, the amorphous relationship shared by the locals and the outsiders made a tell-tale sign of the undefined antagonism that existed between them. Women like my mother only ventured into those comfort zones. But that’s not why I came to the market. Her routine did not seem romantic to me. When she stooped to ask for a price of an item, I would try to get a quick glimpse of the facial marks on the women’s faces. Some women had thrust the 6-inch hollow silver torch light in their ear lobe as an ornament. Even the women’s teeth were black. But by following my mom this way in the market, it was almost becoming certain that I would not get a chance to peek at a house that hung several human heads. Well, some boys had told me there was one such house near the market.
At a Marwari’s shop when mom paused to buy some lentils, I quietly crawled out of her attention to stroll in the market and to look for the skull-house. At that age nobody wants to become a mamma’s pet. What stories would I take to my boys? That I held my mamma’s pinkie throughout? That escape meant so much to save me from the disgrace to let the boys know of my great adventure to the house of skulls.
The escapade and the courage came with a sudden confusion. The snaking market corridors that I walked just a while ago now seemed a little strange, more frightful. It was only the walking buttocks that kept me amused. A little further toward the ridge of a nearby river, a group of men flocked at a Bihari’s tea stall. I wanted to know whether they bought kani-tea.
“Bhaiyya, kya ka chai hai?” I asked in Hindi. (What tea is this, brother?)
“Phika chai,” he said. (Raw tea.)
It was common for the locals to drink raw tea unlike plainmanu’s style of adding milk. But this cleared my doubt that the man did not prepare kani-tea, and so, he was uninteresting. I only enquired whether he knew of a skull-house nearby. He said he has never heard of it. Perhaps one didn’t exist today. But how could my boys go wrong? And why would all men carry a dao on their back? What purpose did it serve other than head-hunting?
Then, very boldly, I turned to the locals and asked them whether all had human heads in their house. One of the younger men suddenly stood up and grabbed my hands. He spoke fast in an unintelligible language as he dragged me a few steps and shook my innards. None other men spoke. His eyes bulged red, his breath smelled bidi. I looked at the Bihari whose eyes seemed unsympathetic. Other men spoke in Konyak and tried to pacify the young guy who was now reaching behind to grab his shining 20-inch dao. Every year during Dasain, the 10-day Hindu festival, we marveled at a similar weapon used for animal sacrifice in a temple. Now I felt like an animal whose head will gloriously hand among several unfortunate others. Customers who were buying something now looked the boy shrieking and shouting. The guy’s friends struggled to snatch the dao from his hand. I hadn’t even practiced screaming in the past, but now I shrieked loud.
In a flash, my dad appeared and grabbed the young guy’s hand. His police uniform and imposing built body froze the guy. I thought, brave dad. The guy blurted out something in Konyak, which I am sure was his best expletive. An angered Naga isn’t pacified by an apology. Dad just waved his hand to the men gesturing, ‘Go away.” Then, turning toward me, he gave a piercing look, and twisted my left ear so hard that I heard some cracking sound. I knew a sound beating waited for me at home.
Nobody spoke in the Jeep when returning home. But, I had enough stories for my boys.
December 08, 2008
November 17, 2008
A quest for home
It's a tiny Himalayan Kingdom locked between India and China that locals call it the Land of the Thunder Dragon. It's a country that receives hardly 20,000 tourists annually through a controlled policy. Its pristine valleys resonate the bells from the Buddhist monasteries. It hasn't attracted any attention of the media either. But the expelled Bhutanese refugees who are now being resettled in third countries like the United States are bringing tales of lost homes and lost hopes amid the discrimination they faced at the hands of the Druk regime that they know it as "ethnic cleansing."
In 1992 Hemlal Subba, 43, walked two hours with his pregnant wife, their 5-year-old son and 4-year-old daughter to catch a truck to flee a land they thought that also belonged to them. They marched toward neighboring Nepal where thousands others have found shelters in one of the seven camps set up the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
"We were 28 people in the group. Four families, all relatives," recollects Sukmati, Subba's wife of the same age.
By mid-1992 nearly 90,000 people were expelled, mostly the inhabitants of southern Bhutan. These new settlers came in the late 19th century from neighboring Nepal when Bhutan opened up the settlement to increase cultivation.
There is no statistic that shows how many of these refugees actually came from Nepal and how many from northeast India. They settled in the sparsely populated temperate and semitropical zone in the south.
Subba's parents acquired citizenship in the 1958 citizenship act that legalized the entire population known as the Lhotshampas, the Nepali speaking Bhutanese.
The wealth in the southern belt brought prosperity among the migrant community some of whom went on to occupy positions in politics and bureaucracy. This became a threat to the political order dominated by the Ngalongs and the Sharchhops.
The modest lifestyle of many southerners like Subba came to a threat when in 1985 they were asked to provide evidence of their settlement in 1958 or risk being expelled.
It is that political decision that begins the story of nearly 110,000 refugees living in the impoverished camps. The King proclaimed that this action would boost the Gross National Happiness of the average Bhutanese. Subba is unaware of what Gross National Happiness is that Bhutan prides itself of, but he knows that India's business interests in water-resource rich country has much to do with unsolved refugee crises.
For 17 years Hemlal Subba lived with his family in a thatched roof in a refugee camp in eastern Nepal. It was their home. They guarded it zealously and prayed that the house be spared from the erratic fires in the camps. When his youngest daughter was born in the camp, he feared she would first be identified as a refugee and her identity will be questioned in a land where her ancestors once belonged to.
"Living in a camp is just survival," Subba says.
Even the thought of a modest living in a refugee camp is a luxury. The odds they encounter become a routine. A lifestyle.
Now Subba has a different routine. Almost a fictional lifestyle.
The fallout of 15-rounds of failed talks between the governments of Nepal and Bhutan spurred United States, Canada, Australia, Sweden, Norway, UK to announce they would absorb all the refugees into their countries. Tek Nath Rizal, the leader of the refugees fighting for the right to return went on a hunger strike to pressurize Bhutan.
"It's now all about my children and a better life that I had hoped for them," says Subba. Though he agrees with Rizal, he knows a different future lay unfolded for him in the United States.
The transition from a stoned-roof, wooden house in Bhutan to about two decades of misery in the camps makes a stark contrast to a modest two-bedroom apartment in Akron.
"The government takes care of everything here for them until they become independent," said Goran Debelnogich, Director of the International Institute of Akron that facilitated the arrival of Subba's family.
Resettlement is not just a physical relocation, it's everything about settlement in a normal way. It's adjusting one's mindset to the environment. It's acceptance and searching for as sense of belongingness that has long been lost.
The International Institute gave the Subba's the power of speech by teaching them, and other settlers, to learn to speak English. But it's a slightly different story for the kids.
"They give food here in schools," says Kamala, the youngest daughter in grade 9.
With a new found hope and a secured legal status, Subba's soul seems to have rejuvenated to forgive the torture and humiliation he once faced.
"I had never dreamed I would own a car," he says talking about his first Kia possession that he bought by paying $3,200. Cash.
Happiness is about independence, being able to do what one wants.
It wasn't a new lifestyle he sought, neither did he seek a home in a developed world. His only subtle quest was to reaffirm his identity that he could proudly claim his own with an unalienable birthright.
In 1992 Hemlal Subba, 43, walked two hours with his pregnant wife, their 5-year-old son and 4-year-old daughter to catch a truck to flee a land they thought that also belonged to them. They marched toward neighboring Nepal where thousands others have found shelters in one of the seven camps set up the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
"We were 28 people in the group. Four families, all relatives," recollects Sukmati, Subba's wife of the same age.
By mid-1992 nearly 90,000 people were expelled, mostly the inhabitants of southern Bhutan. These new settlers came in the late 19th century from neighboring Nepal when Bhutan opened up the settlement to increase cultivation.
There is no statistic that shows how many of these refugees actually came from Nepal and how many from northeast India. They settled in the sparsely populated temperate and semitropical zone in the south.
Subba's parents acquired citizenship in the 1958 citizenship act that legalized the entire population known as the Lhotshampas, the Nepali speaking Bhutanese.
The wealth in the southern belt brought prosperity among the migrant community some of whom went on to occupy positions in politics and bureaucracy. This became a threat to the political order dominated by the Ngalongs and the Sharchhops.
The modest lifestyle of many southerners like Subba came to a threat when in 1985 they were asked to provide evidence of their settlement in 1958 or risk being expelled.
It is that political decision that begins the story of nearly 110,000 refugees living in the impoverished camps. The King proclaimed that this action would boost the Gross National Happiness of the average Bhutanese. Subba is unaware of what Gross National Happiness is that Bhutan prides itself of, but he knows that India's business interests in water-resource rich country has much to do with unsolved refugee crises.
For 17 years Hemlal Subba lived with his family in a thatched roof in a refugee camp in eastern Nepal. It was their home. They guarded it zealously and prayed that the house be spared from the erratic fires in the camps. When his youngest daughter was born in the camp, he feared she would first be identified as a refugee and her identity will be questioned in a land where her ancestors once belonged to.
"Living in a camp is just survival," Subba says.
Even the thought of a modest living in a refugee camp is a luxury. The odds they encounter become a routine. A lifestyle.
Now Subba has a different routine. Almost a fictional lifestyle.
The fallout of 15-rounds of failed talks between the governments of Nepal and Bhutan spurred United States, Canada, Australia, Sweden, Norway, UK to announce they would absorb all the refugees into their countries. Tek Nath Rizal, the leader of the refugees fighting for the right to return went on a hunger strike to pressurize Bhutan.
"It's now all about my children and a better life that I had hoped for them," says Subba. Though he agrees with Rizal, he knows a different future lay unfolded for him in the United States.
The transition from a stoned-roof, wooden house in Bhutan to about two decades of misery in the camps makes a stark contrast to a modest two-bedroom apartment in Akron.
"The government takes care of everything here for them until they become independent," said Goran Debelnogich, Director of the International Institute of Akron that facilitated the arrival of Subba's family.
Resettlement is not just a physical relocation, it's everything about settlement in a normal way. It's adjusting one's mindset to the environment. It's acceptance and searching for as sense of belongingness that has long been lost.
The International Institute gave the Subba's the power of speech by teaching them, and other settlers, to learn to speak English. But it's a slightly different story for the kids.
"They give food here in schools," says Kamala, the youngest daughter in grade 9.
With a new found hope and a secured legal status, Subba's soul seems to have rejuvenated to forgive the torture and humiliation he once faced.
"I had never dreamed I would own a car," he says talking about his first Kia possession that he bought by paying $3,200. Cash.
Happiness is about independence, being able to do what one wants.
It wasn't a new lifestyle he sought, neither did he seek a home in a developed world. His only subtle quest was to reaffirm his identity that he could proudly claim his own with an unalienable birthright.
September 24, 2008
Kent State woos students through social networking sites
In a Web 2.0 environment where tech-savvy individuals consume every possible multimedia resource, universities are soon tapping into some of these resources to reach out their targeted audience.
With a large undergraduate population turning to numerous Web spaces, the need to communicate with this group through such sites has become a necessity. That’s the reason why Kent State launched its YouTube and Facebook pages recently.
Flo Cunningham, director of University Communications and Marketing, said such an effort is important as other universities have already begun using social networking sites.
“This is about connecting people,” she said.
The university’s UCM made the recommendations to use social networking sites as the Web is increasingly becoming the main source to obtain information. While the YouTube videos present the university’s academics and facilities, the Facebook pages have photo albums, announcements of upcoming events, stories from KentNewsNet.com through RSS feeds. UCM hopes that this will “allow future and current students to feel more connected to the school.”
comScore.com reported a surge in Facebook use last year with the maximum use from the age group of 18-24 years when it opened to addresses other than the .edu accounts. This college-going population use numerous sites that UCM plans to incorporate.
Lin Danes, electronic communication and Web content manager, believes that this initiative will also attract potential students though this is not used as a marketing tool.
“We don’t see this much as a recruitment tool so much than as an engagement tool,” she said.
Why social networking?
Many students who use such social networking sites see this as an opportunity to meet their peers and associate with their interests groups in the virtual world.
As a freshman Nick Allison, 18, Spanish major, joined Kent State’s network to find people he could go out with as he did not know anyone in the campus.
“Facebook helped me a lot. I met my best friend through Facebook,” he said.
Allison is a fan of Kent State’s page, but is unaware of the YouTube page.
Many students are unaware that these pages exist. The UCM has taken an integrated marketing plan to make these sites popular. Manager Danes said that if the UCM’s media team picked up something interesting, chances are that it will appear in the homepage, online magazine, and print magazine. There is an effort to tie these contents into the social media sites.
The social media ratings and report services, developerAnalytics, says more than 128 million people use Facebook in nearly 60,000 networks. Kent State network has more than 36,000 unique users including alums and part-time students. The university’s Facebook page is registering an average of 70 fans per week. The largest university in the state, Ohio State, has the highest number of fans with more than 10,500 people joining the page since its launch in December 2007. However, it has not enabled the Wall for comments much like the Ohio University.
University authorities seem very cautious at what type of contents to allow on such pages. Despite its large fan base, officials at Ohio State believe that they might not have enough control over the messages.
The cost of maintaining these pages is another factor why the university is reluctant to activate the Wall for more interactivity.
Ted Hattemer, director of New Media at Ohio State said, “At present we don’t have the resources to maintain social media sites.”
Like Bowling Green State University, even at Kent State, only content administrators have the option to post photos and videos as a separate unit of staff has not been assigned to manage the social networking site. Danes, who also moderates the Wall, hopes people will “respect the space.” The privilege to post also comes with a warning that comments will be edited for “profanity.” Since it’s too early to determine how people will abuse these pages, parameters on content management have not been formulated.
The university had banned the use of Facebook profiles in the past. Student-athletes were asked to withdraw their profiles in June 2006 as the university felt it compromised the university’s image.
UCM’s future plans
Corinne Galvan, 18, undecided major freshman, says there should be interactive features to visit these sites. Though she has been using Facebook for two years now, she was unaware of the university’s page. She believes the pages should have videos and pictures that reflect what it is to be like a student at Kent State.
“I’d like to see videos about campus life outside of the classroom,” she said after watching some of the YouTube videos and becoming a fan.
As the pages are template driven, manager Danes feels that the contents they produce should be more appealing than the page itself. All contents on YouTube and Facebook are now produced by UCM’s media team with some student support. Prior to launching these pages, UCM relied on its past research with high school students on what kind of contents appeal them, but the viability of social media pages have not been tested. Usability testing on social media sites, using the resources of the university, is planned for Spring-2009. Until then, UCM will continue to add other social networking sites such as MySpace, Flickr, Twitter, Del.icio.us, Digg in an attempt to offer alternative platforms to both current students and non-students.
Danes said it may be too early to establish whether these sites actually help in the promotion of university and keep the student community vibrant on the Web space, but she is optimistic of the benefits.
“It’s very early in any kinds of return on investment with social media…but not trying getting into those niche areas would also be a pitfall,” she said.
With a large undergraduate population turning to numerous Web spaces, the need to communicate with this group through such sites has become a necessity. That’s the reason why Kent State launched its YouTube and Facebook pages recently.
Flo Cunningham, director of University Communications and Marketing, said such an effort is important as other universities have already begun using social networking sites.
“This is about connecting people,” she said.
The university’s UCM made the recommendations to use social networking sites as the Web is increasingly becoming the main source to obtain information. While the YouTube videos present the university’s academics and facilities, the Facebook pages have photo albums, announcements of upcoming events, stories from KentNewsNet.com through RSS feeds. UCM hopes that this will “allow future and current students to feel more connected to the school.”
comScore.com reported a surge in Facebook use last year with the maximum use from the age group of 18-24 years when it opened to addresses other than the .edu accounts. This college-going population use numerous sites that UCM plans to incorporate.
Lin Danes, electronic communication and Web content manager, believes that this initiative will also attract potential students though this is not used as a marketing tool.
“We don’t see this much as a recruitment tool so much than as an engagement tool,” she said.
Why social networking?
Many students who use such social networking sites see this as an opportunity to meet their peers and associate with their interests groups in the virtual world.
As a freshman Nick Allison, 18, Spanish major, joined Kent State’s network to find people he could go out with as he did not know anyone in the campus.
“Facebook helped me a lot. I met my best friend through Facebook,” he said.
Allison is a fan of Kent State’s page, but is unaware of the YouTube page.
Many students are unaware that these pages exist. The UCM has taken an integrated marketing plan to make these sites popular. Manager Danes said that if the UCM’s media team picked up something interesting, chances are that it will appear in the homepage, online magazine, and print magazine. There is an effort to tie these contents into the social media sites.
The social media ratings and report services, developerAnalytics, says more than 128 million people use Facebook in nearly 60,000 networks. Kent State network has more than 36,000 unique users including alums and part-time students. The university’s Facebook page is registering an average of 70 fans per week. The largest university in the state, Ohio State, has the highest number of fans with more than 10,500 people joining the page since its launch in December 2007. However, it has not enabled the Wall for comments much like the Ohio University.
University authorities seem very cautious at what type of contents to allow on such pages. Despite its large fan base, officials at Ohio State believe that they might not have enough control over the messages.
The cost of maintaining these pages is another factor why the university is reluctant to activate the Wall for more interactivity.
Ted Hattemer, director of New Media at Ohio State said, “At present we don’t have the resources to maintain social media sites.”
Like Bowling Green State University, even at Kent State, only content administrators have the option to post photos and videos as a separate unit of staff has not been assigned to manage the social networking site. Danes, who also moderates the Wall, hopes people will “respect the space.” The privilege to post also comes with a warning that comments will be edited for “profanity.” Since it’s too early to determine how people will abuse these pages, parameters on content management have not been formulated.
The university had banned the use of Facebook profiles in the past. Student-athletes were asked to withdraw their profiles in June 2006 as the university felt it compromised the university’s image.
UCM’s future plans
Corinne Galvan, 18, undecided major freshman, says there should be interactive features to visit these sites. Though she has been using Facebook for two years now, she was unaware of the university’s page. She believes the pages should have videos and pictures that reflect what it is to be like a student at Kent State.
“I’d like to see videos about campus life outside of the classroom,” she said after watching some of the YouTube videos and becoming a fan.
As the pages are template driven, manager Danes feels that the contents they produce should be more appealing than the page itself. All contents on YouTube and Facebook are now produced by UCM’s media team with some student support. Prior to launching these pages, UCM relied on its past research with high school students on what kind of contents appeal them, but the viability of social media pages have not been tested. Usability testing on social media sites, using the resources of the university, is planned for Spring-2009. Until then, UCM will continue to add other social networking sites such as MySpace, Flickr, Twitter, Del.icio.us, Digg in an attempt to offer alternative platforms to both current students and non-students.
Danes said it may be too early to establish whether these sites actually help in the promotion of university and keep the student community vibrant on the Web space, but she is optimistic of the benefits.
“It’s very early in any kinds of return on investment with social media…but not trying getting into those niche areas would also be a pitfall,” she said.
September 12, 2008
First impressions in “America”
“Look!” Pema grabbed her friend’s hand as she pointed toward the entrance of Save-a-Lot. Both girls giggled, and then they looked at each other and burst out in silent laughter.
Just by the entrance where the grocery carts were lined up, two adults were kissing, lip-on-lip. It was barely dark.
These exchange juniors from Nepal had seen such scenes in western movies, but for Pema this encounter was a little too early.
“Aren’t they both females?” Pema asked, startled.
The girls did a double-take at the couple unmindful of the people going in and coming out of the store. As they approached the entrance, their dying giggle died abruptly. Now their eyes watched their own steps – left right left right. They were like those firm steps of uniformed men marching in a ceremony. Quietly, they walked on the dark carpet. From the left corner of their eyes they saw the entrance door sliding open and from the right corner they saw four white feet. One wore sandal with strings the other had flip-flops.
Pema, 22, had been in “America” for just three weeks, and she was not impressed at all. She thought it was the country of tall buildings with “wide wide” roads. At least that’s what she thought she saw from the plane as it passed through the shimmering Chicago sky. Here in Kent, the tallest building she has seen is the university’s library, a mere 12- stories high. She regretted not being in a city that would have meant living in real America.
“Kent is not even like Kathmandu!”
Did those Hollywood movies lie? Where are those skyscrapers and the rush in the street? The yellow cabs, busy traffic, glass-caged mannequin wearing Lacoste or Nike – where are those images?
“Of course, I am not in New York, but people think we live in really tall buildings and eat only burgers.”
Her dad was not carried away by such American myths; he simply did not want Pema to go abroad as she already had good education in Nepal. But her mom knew education in a foreign land would do a lot better. Even when Pema’s elder sister went to the UK for her MBA, she wouldn’t want to go.
In fact, Pema had rarely gone out of Kathmandu, except while visiting some nearby cities like a tourist with a hotshot camera.
With three daughters in the family, Pema played the “boy” in the house. Now she has grown into that role and wants her parents to stay with her when two others go to their husband’s home after marriage.
“I came here only because the program is for less than two years.”
In the first week of her class she emailed her best friend --
“I hardly understand the teachers... I miss home.”
As she talks with her family and friends through free internet calls, she mentions what food she cooked or which new place she visited. With few close friends, that’s the only pastime she has for now.
“American students don’t develop friendship easily. They only smile for a second. You only have few friends here and not enough places to hang around.”
The formal atmosphere defies the instant possibility of building casual relationship among her peers. The only thing that impressed her instantly was how her mails arrived on time, how the garbage cans are cleaned daily, and how neatly people formed a line in the rush cafeteria.
“I also want Kathmandu to have some of the good things found here. But it will take 20-30 years to change. Nepal is only influenced by bad western culture.” Perhaps the openness in the street and in human body is what she refers to as “bad.”
In the segment of the city where she grew up, Buddhist monks in red robes would casually walk with strings of beads in their hand silently chanting Om mane peme houm. Elders would be called by the name of the relationship and not by their first name. Everyone who is not a friend is either an uncle or aunt or brother or sister or some in-law. Even plunging blouses are rarely seen, not even in Thamel, a tourist district in the capital city that flourished during the 1960s as western tourists bought cheap marijuana and introduced high culture.
When Pema saw those “uncomfortable” Hollywood scenes in Nepali theater, all taboos were demystified for a while. But she knows she will also change.
“I don’t know how I will be influenced. Maybe it will start with the clothes.” And she chuckles.
[Pema is not her real name.]
Just by the entrance where the grocery carts were lined up, two adults were kissing, lip-on-lip. It was barely dark.
These exchange juniors from Nepal had seen such scenes in western movies, but for Pema this encounter was a little too early.
“Aren’t they both females?” Pema asked, startled.
The girls did a double-take at the couple unmindful of the people going in and coming out of the store. As they approached the entrance, their dying giggle died abruptly. Now their eyes watched their own steps – left right left right. They were like those firm steps of uniformed men marching in a ceremony. Quietly, they walked on the dark carpet. From the left corner of their eyes they saw the entrance door sliding open and from the right corner they saw four white feet. One wore sandal with strings the other had flip-flops.
Pema, 22, had been in “America” for just three weeks, and she was not impressed at all. She thought it was the country of tall buildings with “wide wide” roads. At least that’s what she thought she saw from the plane as it passed through the shimmering Chicago sky. Here in Kent, the tallest building she has seen is the university’s library, a mere 12- stories high. She regretted not being in a city that would have meant living in real America.
“Kent is not even like Kathmandu!”
Did those Hollywood movies lie? Where are those skyscrapers and the rush in the street? The yellow cabs, busy traffic, glass-caged mannequin wearing Lacoste or Nike – where are those images?
“Of course, I am not in New York, but people think we live in really tall buildings and eat only burgers.”
Her dad was not carried away by such American myths; he simply did not want Pema to go abroad as she already had good education in Nepal. But her mom knew education in a foreign land would do a lot better. Even when Pema’s elder sister went to the UK for her MBA, she wouldn’t want to go.
In fact, Pema had rarely gone out of Kathmandu, except while visiting some nearby cities like a tourist with a hotshot camera.
With three daughters in the family, Pema played the “boy” in the house. Now she has grown into that role and wants her parents to stay with her when two others go to their husband’s home after marriage.
“I came here only because the program is for less than two years.”
In the first week of her class she emailed her best friend --
“I hardly understand the teachers... I miss home.”
As she talks with her family and friends through free internet calls, she mentions what food she cooked or which new place she visited. With few close friends, that’s the only pastime she has for now.
“American students don’t develop friendship easily. They only smile for a second. You only have few friends here and not enough places to hang around.”
The formal atmosphere defies the instant possibility of building casual relationship among her peers. The only thing that impressed her instantly was how her mails arrived on time, how the garbage cans are cleaned daily, and how neatly people formed a line in the rush cafeteria.
“I also want Kathmandu to have some of the good things found here. But it will take 20-30 years to change. Nepal is only influenced by bad western culture.” Perhaps the openness in the street and in human body is what she refers to as “bad.”
In the segment of the city where she grew up, Buddhist monks in red robes would casually walk with strings of beads in their hand silently chanting Om mane peme houm. Elders would be called by the name of the relationship and not by their first name. Everyone who is not a friend is either an uncle or aunt or brother or sister or some in-law. Even plunging blouses are rarely seen, not even in Thamel, a tourist district in the capital city that flourished during the 1960s as western tourists bought cheap marijuana and introduced high culture.
When Pema saw those “uncomfortable” Hollywood scenes in Nepali theater, all taboos were demystified for a while. But she knows she will also change.
“I don’t know how I will be influenced. Maybe it will start with the clothes.” And she chuckles.
[Pema is not her real name.]
September 11, 2008
Dasain Sacrifice
Some 200 people had gathered outside the temple. It was Navami, the ninth day of Dasahara. Another most important day in the 10-day Hindu festival when the victory of good over evil is celebrated. It was early morning. Probably around 8. A large group had made a circle around a place that had a wooden pole pierced to the ground. That placed was consecrated as holy. In early dusk, some apprentice priest had smeared cow dung around the pole. Actually, cow dung puts off the files.
People, mostly men, in sandals, boots, canvas stood waiting. Little kids with their muddy feet pushed their way to the inner circle. All waiting to see that ultimate moment.
A small crowd made their way toward the circle following a priest draped in white who carried a plate full of flowers and vermilion mixed with rice. A bundle of incense stick protruded out. Behind him was another man in white dhoti. Larger than everyone in the crowd. His chest was bare. In his right hand he carried a heavy machete that shone in the morning sun. Two strands of cloth, one in white and other in red were tied at the handle. Behind him, two men pulled a horn-less buffalo that marched quietly oblivious to its fate.
That was the beast everyone waited to appear. That was the beast that will represent this year's evil. That was the beast everyone will cheer when the large man will strike upon and separate its head with a swift stroke as the priest mumbles some obscure Sanskrit verses in praise of non-violence and peace.
People, mostly men, in sandals, boots, canvas stood waiting. Little kids with their muddy feet pushed their way to the inner circle. All waiting to see that ultimate moment.
A small crowd made their way toward the circle following a priest draped in white who carried a plate full of flowers and vermilion mixed with rice. A bundle of incense stick protruded out. Behind him was another man in white dhoti. Larger than everyone in the crowd. His chest was bare. In his right hand he carried a heavy machete that shone in the morning sun. Two strands of cloth, one in white and other in red were tied at the handle. Behind him, two men pulled a horn-less buffalo that marched quietly oblivious to its fate.
That was the beast everyone waited to appear. That was the beast that will represent this year's evil. That was the beast everyone will cheer when the large man will strike upon and separate its head with a swift stroke as the priest mumbles some obscure Sanskrit verses in praise of non-violence and peace.
September 08, 2008
Broadcast Beat Reporting: Legacy
This "Legacy" was written for Gary Hanson's incoming class of Fall 08.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Welcome to this class! Relax and calm yourself. Because the soul of BBR settles only in a calm body. Did you just read ‘soul of BBR?’ Yes, you did! This class has a soul, a personality of its own that will become your part. And Gary will release bits of this soul into your life in a way a kangaroo rears its joey. Very soon, you will slip out of that BBR pouch and hop around on your own. Until then, stay in Gary’s pouch - fully protected, fully nourished as he shows you a glimpse of the broadcast world. He is the man who will teach you to stand just on your tail.
With a pack of legacy you also must have received a syllabus. Don’t be intimidated by its detail. You will get used to it eventually. But remember, the chunks of activities you see there are similar to the ways in which we compartmentalize our daily works. For this class the first thing you must learn is to chunk out your time for BBR so that you can fit other activities. Gary will tell you that you’ll spend at least 20 hours a week. In initial weeks, I spent 40!
Let me tell you three most important things you will need right from the start.
No. 1: Acquaint yourself with the basics of making a package. [A package is the actual story that you produce for TV2. You will find the story idea, write the script, do the shooting, and edit it. All by yourself!] Don’t be overwhelmed.
No. 2: Work on your script as much as you can.
No. 3: Learn to use your camera and practice getting stable shots.
As a reporter you are expected to know your beat well. Kent State has a lot of activities going around that you can cover. If you are short of any story ideas, ask one from a TV2 producer. Once you have the story, focus on how much information you can collect for your story. But remember, you may have wonderful stuff in your camera, but if you don’t use that, it means you didn’t have it. What comes out in the package is what matters.
[some parts deleted]
While covering your beats you will realize how difficult it is to get information. Keep the tape rolling and ask questions that you did not plan. If you planned three questions, ask ten. Get into conversation. That’s how you get good soundbites.
Sometimes you may have to follow up because you did not have the right shots. You may think why, after all, it’s a two-minute story. Why should you bother? No. it makes a difference. In broadcast, the right shot is called the ‘gold coin.’ If you have that, you made it.
When you do your Viewing Assignments, take notes. Observe carefully the packages produced by the giants. Identify the key production elements, like shots type, natural sound, and the use of those ‘gold coin’ moments. The earlier you can identify these elements, the sooner you will learn to use them.
Unlike print or radio, TV reporting depends mostly on visual support. For your package you must try to get as much visual cues as possible. This means that besides getting the interviews, you need b-rolls that speak for themselves. Shoot generic as well as specific stuff. Get a variety of shots. Wide, Medium, Close-up and very tight shots. This is a tough job. You will still learn to do this in a good way even when you are in your final packages. But as you work on your script, think of an audience who might be doing something else while keeping the TV switched on. Your script must have as much information for a person who cannot ‘watch’ the story without actually watching it.
Remember my kangaroo analogy at the beginning? As the joey dares to come out in the wild, the first thing it learns is to evade away from the enemies. Do you know what’s your biggest enemy in production? Shaky videos. A bad video is no video at all. Until you are absolutely stable without a tripod, always use it. Carry a bag that fits your camera and a tripod. If you are using a small camera (ZR800 Canon), you don’t need a heavy tripod.
Your survival also depends on getting the audio right. Toward the end of the semester we came to know about the concept of ‘Mic the dog.’ This means, if you want a good audio you need to have the mic as close and as always as possible.
As you critique your packages, see how successfully you have used these clues.
As a BBR student, you are automatically a TV2 reporter. Be proud that you are getting a chance to work for a station that has live newscasts. If you have any new ideas, you can have your own TV show. You will have a lot to learn while working for TV2.
This is great opportunity to work in a converged newsroom. Very soon you will realize you are working with a producer, videographer, graphics designer and others. Since the work you do will be used in the news, take this opportunity to do something that can be used in your own package. It may not always happen, but if you plan it out with your producer, it may work out. Get an opportunity to work either as a talent (people who do the newscasts) or as tech (people at the control room). That way you don’t just do the usual chores required by the course, but pick up skills in media in action.
You are in a great class with the most committed professor. Take advantage of it. Perhaps, one day you’ll learn to balance yourself on your tail like a kangaroo.
Good luck!
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Welcome to this class! Relax and calm yourself. Because the soul of BBR settles only in a calm body. Did you just read ‘soul of BBR?’ Yes, you did! This class has a soul, a personality of its own that will become your part. And Gary will release bits of this soul into your life in a way a kangaroo rears its joey. Very soon, you will slip out of that BBR pouch and hop around on your own. Until then, stay in Gary’s pouch - fully protected, fully nourished as he shows you a glimpse of the broadcast world. He is the man who will teach you to stand just on your tail.
With a pack of legacy you also must have received a syllabus. Don’t be intimidated by its detail. You will get used to it eventually. But remember, the chunks of activities you see there are similar to the ways in which we compartmentalize our daily works. For this class the first thing you must learn is to chunk out your time for BBR so that you can fit other activities. Gary will tell you that you’ll spend at least 20 hours a week. In initial weeks, I spent 40!
Let me tell you three most important things you will need right from the start.
No. 1: Acquaint yourself with the basics of making a package. [A package is the actual story that you produce for TV2. You will find the story idea, write the script, do the shooting, and edit it. All by yourself!] Don’t be overwhelmed.
No. 2: Work on your script as much as you can.
No. 3: Learn to use your camera and practice getting stable shots.
As a reporter you are expected to know your beat well. Kent State has a lot of activities going around that you can cover. If you are short of any story ideas, ask one from a TV2 producer. Once you have the story, focus on how much information you can collect for your story. But remember, you may have wonderful stuff in your camera, but if you don’t use that, it means you didn’t have it. What comes out in the package is what matters.
[some parts deleted]
While covering your beats you will realize how difficult it is to get information. Keep the tape rolling and ask questions that you did not plan. If you planned three questions, ask ten. Get into conversation. That’s how you get good soundbites.
Sometimes you may have to follow up because you did not have the right shots. You may think why, after all, it’s a two-minute story. Why should you bother? No. it makes a difference. In broadcast, the right shot is called the ‘gold coin.’ If you have that, you made it.
When you do your Viewing Assignments, take notes. Observe carefully the packages produced by the giants. Identify the key production elements, like shots type, natural sound, and the use of those ‘gold coin’ moments. The earlier you can identify these elements, the sooner you will learn to use them.
Unlike print or radio, TV reporting depends mostly on visual support. For your package you must try to get as much visual cues as possible. This means that besides getting the interviews, you need b-rolls that speak for themselves. Shoot generic as well as specific stuff. Get a variety of shots. Wide, Medium, Close-up and very tight shots. This is a tough job. You will still learn to do this in a good way even when you are in your final packages. But as you work on your script, think of an audience who might be doing something else while keeping the TV switched on. Your script must have as much information for a person who cannot ‘watch’ the story without actually watching it.
Remember my kangaroo analogy at the beginning? As the joey dares to come out in the wild, the first thing it learns is to evade away from the enemies. Do you know what’s your biggest enemy in production? Shaky videos. A bad video is no video at all. Until you are absolutely stable without a tripod, always use it. Carry a bag that fits your camera and a tripod. If you are using a small camera (ZR800 Canon), you don’t need a heavy tripod.
Your survival also depends on getting the audio right. Toward the end of the semester we came to know about the concept of ‘Mic the dog.’ This means, if you want a good audio you need to have the mic as close and as always as possible.
As you critique your packages, see how successfully you have used these clues.
As a BBR student, you are automatically a TV2 reporter. Be proud that you are getting a chance to work for a station that has live newscasts. If you have any new ideas, you can have your own TV show. You will have a lot to learn while working for TV2.
This is great opportunity to work in a converged newsroom. Very soon you will realize you are working with a producer, videographer, graphics designer and others. Since the work you do will be used in the news, take this opportunity to do something that can be used in your own package. It may not always happen, but if you plan it out with your producer, it may work out. Get an opportunity to work either as a talent (people who do the newscasts) or as tech (people at the control room). That way you don’t just do the usual chores required by the course, but pick up skills in media in action.
You are in a great class with the most committed professor. Take advantage of it. Perhaps, one day you’ll learn to balance yourself on your tail like a kangaroo.
Good luck!
July 30, 2008
How realistic South Asian leaders could be
South Asian leaders in Colombo are going to make another "historic" declaration at the 15th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit scheduled for 2-3 August. This year the Summit will be held amid two political uncertainties in the region: formation of a new government in Nepal and a week after Indian prime minister won the no-trust vote over the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal. For two days leaders will try to hold off bilateral differences and focus on removing trade policy barriers in favor of intra-regional trade.
With the transition from SAARC Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA) to South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), the first step toward regional economic integration is complete. By 2012 the member-states, other than the four Least Developed Countries -- Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives and Nepal -- will reduce their duty to zero percent. These LDCs have until 2015 to fulfill this commitment.
India has a crucial role in realizing the SAARC ideals as it shares borders with all member-countries. A cordial bilateral relationship, especially between India and Pakistan, should build up trust toward regional cooperation. The current Indo-Pak trade under the Most Favored Nation status remains at below $2 billion, but experts talk of a $12 billion potential.
However, the ongoing hostility has thwarted prospects of any regional integration including cancellation of several summits.
India's considerable business interest in the region remains unexplored due to fragile political landscape in the sub-continent. Investors like the Tata Group are keen on setting up steel, fertilizer and power plants in Bangladesh that aims to bolster the economy of India's Northeastern states benefiting 40 million people. Such capital investments and enhanced commercial activities can bring down trade imbalance of $100 million exports and $2 billion imports.
Despite volatile political climate, Nepal opened up its market by recently awarding a 300 megawatt hydro-electric contract to GMR Energy, an Indian infrastructure company. However, the soon-to-be-formed government must create conducive environment for foreign investors. Two multinational subsidiaries, Unilever and Colgate-Palmolive, closed their operation due to insecurity. Since SAFTA also does not accommodate Indo-US ventures, and is thus ineligible for duty-free access, the Summit has a serious business to do.
The Summit should work toward goodwill measures in the interest of the region by increasing people-to-people contact as promised in recent declarations. Increasing physical connectivity, liberalizing visas for education, media and medical purposes are as important as duty-free access to goods. More specific cooperation can be reached in the sub-regional "growth quadrangle" comprising Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal for power and water sharing.
Another contentious issue is cross-border terrorism. While India does not want any categorization of terrorism, Pakistan maintains some acts are "freedom struggles." Since both the countries have rejected the role of the United Nations in dealing with the Kashmir issue, the call for a Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism among member- nations remains significant. India now seems to favor the UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) to deal with terrorism.
Although the difference in approach over terrorism exists between the two arch-rivals, other bilateral issues in the region should not build further acrimony. Only recently India provided a soft-loan of $1 billion to Sri Lanka to upgrade its defense capabilities, and the two nations may ink a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on the margins of the Summit. India is further planning a multilateral cooperation to set up gas pipeline through Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Therefore, a regional consensus to contain terrorism and violence is as much important for big countries as it is in the economic and social interest of the smaller nations.
In addition to goodwill achievements, such as setting up of the South Asian University and agreement on SAARC model village, the Summit has to work toward a functioning South Asian Customs Union and operationalization of the SAARC Development Fund. The Intergovernmental Agreement on establishing the SAARC Food Bank is a credible move in dealing with the food security. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has also put this agenda at the forefront, besides climate and fuel crises.
SAARC observer-countries have shown immense interests in the development of the region. The Chinese proposal for a China-South Asia Business Forum and SAARC-Japan Special Fund could actually complement the intra-regional development vision. The Summit should be able to accommodate trans-SAARC issues beyond rhetoric.
To achieve all these, an effort in "building of trust and understanding" among member-states has been long due for the realization of a South Asian economic union.
Originally published on The Kathmandu Post.
With the transition from SAARC Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA) to South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), the first step toward regional economic integration is complete. By 2012 the member-states, other than the four Least Developed Countries -- Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives and Nepal -- will reduce their duty to zero percent. These LDCs have until 2015 to fulfill this commitment.
India has a crucial role in realizing the SAARC ideals as it shares borders with all member-countries. A cordial bilateral relationship, especially between India and Pakistan, should build up trust toward regional cooperation. The current Indo-Pak trade under the Most Favored Nation status remains at below $2 billion, but experts talk of a $12 billion potential.
However, the ongoing hostility has thwarted prospects of any regional integration including cancellation of several summits.
India's considerable business interest in the region remains unexplored due to fragile political landscape in the sub-continent. Investors like the Tata Group are keen on setting up steel, fertilizer and power plants in Bangladesh that aims to bolster the economy of India's Northeastern states benefiting 40 million people. Such capital investments and enhanced commercial activities can bring down trade imbalance of $100 million exports and $2 billion imports.
Despite volatile political climate, Nepal opened up its market by recently awarding a 300 megawatt hydro-electric contract to GMR Energy, an Indian infrastructure company. However, the soon-to-be-formed government must create conducive environment for foreign investors. Two multinational subsidiaries, Unilever and Colgate-Palmolive, closed their operation due to insecurity. Since SAFTA also does not accommodate Indo-US ventures, and is thus ineligible for duty-free access, the Summit has a serious business to do.
The Summit should work toward goodwill measures in the interest of the region by increasing people-to-people contact as promised in recent declarations. Increasing physical connectivity, liberalizing visas for education, media and medical purposes are as important as duty-free access to goods. More specific cooperation can be reached in the sub-regional "growth quadrangle" comprising Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal for power and water sharing.
Another contentious issue is cross-border terrorism. While India does not want any categorization of terrorism, Pakistan maintains some acts are "freedom struggles." Since both the countries have rejected the role of the United Nations in dealing with the Kashmir issue, the call for a Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism among member- nations remains significant. India now seems to favor the UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) to deal with terrorism.
Although the difference in approach over terrorism exists between the two arch-rivals, other bilateral issues in the region should not build further acrimony. Only recently India provided a soft-loan of $1 billion to Sri Lanka to upgrade its defense capabilities, and the two nations may ink a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on the margins of the Summit. India is further planning a multilateral cooperation to set up gas pipeline through Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Therefore, a regional consensus to contain terrorism and violence is as much important for big countries as it is in the economic and social interest of the smaller nations.
In addition to goodwill achievements, such as setting up of the South Asian University and agreement on SAARC model village, the Summit has to work toward a functioning South Asian Customs Union and operationalization of the SAARC Development Fund. The Intergovernmental Agreement on establishing the SAARC Food Bank is a credible move in dealing with the food security. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has also put this agenda at the forefront, besides climate and fuel crises.
SAARC observer-countries have shown immense interests in the development of the region. The Chinese proposal for a China-South Asia Business Forum and SAARC-Japan Special Fund could actually complement the intra-regional development vision. The Summit should be able to accommodate trans-SAARC issues beyond rhetoric.
To achieve all these, an effort in "building of trust and understanding" among member-states has been long due for the realization of a South Asian economic union.
Originally published on The Kathmandu Post.
June 11, 2008
Anticipating personality cult in Nepali Maoists
Only a few factors can be combined to conclude why the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) rose to power in just a matter of a decade. The armed struggle that began in February 1996 culminated in the civil uprising of April 2006 placing the CPN-M as the most decisive factor in the political history of Nepal. The people who put forth the agenda of federalism were not only radical at the time but they also molded the belief of a large mass to unite against the age-old institution of monarchy.
With the success of the Constituent Assembly election, which the United Nations called it “a historic achievement,” the nation waits to see how the leaders who once believed in armed rebellion conduct through a parliamentary process. One of the biggest concerns today is what kind of character will the Maoists develop given their history of coercion and intimidation. Will Nepal eventually become a totalitarian state like most communist regimes in the past? What is the impact of charisma in communist leadership in the context of Nepal? Will the modest background of leaders like Pushpa Kama Dahal ‘Prachanda,’ Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and scores of others eventually evolve to become autocratic once they have the democratic mandate?
Another concern in Nepali politics is concluding the intention of the Maoists who often say that to achieve a ‘higher ideal’ they have accepted ‘bourgeois democracy’ for now. Therefore, the abolishment of monarchy is only the first step. The socialists interpretation of poverty among the proletariat is due the rise of capitalism. However, since the Maoists are not opposed to capitalism this ideological shift creates confusion.
Does this mean the CPN-M leadership has a secret plan that will thwart the present agreement in which the UN is directly involved? As the Maoists have not disclosed their plans for the federal restructuring of the state, does it mean they are open to discussions, agreements and compromise? And if yes, until when?
We ought to see transitional democracies with some skepticism, especially when radical communists become powerful.
With the success of the Constituent Assembly election, which the United Nations called it “a historic achievement,” the nation waits to see how the leaders who once believed in armed rebellion conduct through a parliamentary process. One of the biggest concerns today is what kind of character will the Maoists develop given their history of coercion and intimidation. Will Nepal eventually become a totalitarian state like most communist regimes in the past? What is the impact of charisma in communist leadership in the context of Nepal? Will the modest background of leaders like Pushpa Kama Dahal ‘Prachanda,’ Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and scores of others eventually evolve to become autocratic once they have the democratic mandate?
Another concern in Nepali politics is concluding the intention of the Maoists who often say that to achieve a ‘higher ideal’ they have accepted ‘bourgeois democracy’ for now. Therefore, the abolishment of monarchy is only the first step. The socialists interpretation of poverty among the proletariat is due the rise of capitalism. However, since the Maoists are not opposed to capitalism this ideological shift creates confusion.
Does this mean the CPN-M leadership has a secret plan that will thwart the present agreement in which the UN is directly involved? As the Maoists have not disclosed their plans for the federal restructuring of the state, does it mean they are open to discussions, agreements and compromise? And if yes, until when?
We ought to see transitional democracies with some skepticism, especially when radical communists become powerful.
May 20, 2008
Media Stereotype: What is normal and what is a type?
Stereotype seems easy to define: an image that people hold about other people; but it is difficult to rationalize. When people have a "fixed mental image" that is applied to members of a group, it might seem justified because this image has been unconsciously approved by people who constantly use it.
In Bollywood movies, stereotypes of territorial regions or communities are predominant. For example, a south-Indian Tamil will be shown to be speaking a distorted version of Hindi, a north-Indian UPite is almost always a beetle-nut chewing bhaiyya (literally, a brother but used pejoratively), Pakistan is always India’s enemy, and a Nepali is always a baton-bearing Gurkha gatekeeper or night watchman who patrols the urban streets.
At one level stereotype actually helps people to get a larger picture of the "other" who is different from the rest, and therefore, the general opinion is an economical way of viewing the world. So, can journalists also go by these stereotypes?
We see people using stereotypes in every culture. Some usage may be humorous while other can be negative and scathing.
The world of entertainment is replete with creative uses of stereotypes. In 2005, Screen Actors Guild commissioned a research on stereotypes that reported actors with disability faced “stereotypical” attitudes and were considered only for supporting roles. People with disabilities are rarely “allowed to develop into fully-rounded characters or shown as valuing and participating in typical activities like sports or fitness, thereby further reinforcing stereotypical views." This situation isn't likely to change in the next decade.
However, other groups of minority have had a favorable stereotype. For instance, in the United States Asians are considered as some sort of wiz-kids. In the 1960s, William Petersen wrote for the New York Times Magazine about the Japanese as the “model minority.” All immigrant communities in the US have some kind of stereotypes associated to them because stereotyping is deeply rooted in human nature.
In Bollywood movies, stereotypes of territorial regions or communities are predominant. For example, a south-Indian Tamil will be shown to be speaking a distorted version of Hindi, a north-Indian UPite is almost always a beetle-nut chewing bhaiyya (literally, a brother but used pejoratively), Pakistan is always India’s enemy, and a Nepali is always a baton-bearing Gurkha gatekeeper or night watchman who patrols the urban streets.
One such recent example of extreme stereotyping is the Hollywood blockbuster Borat. This movie outrageously ridicules Kazakhstan to the meanest degree. The humor in the movie comes from cynical portrayal of their habits and customs. I've talked to couple Kazakh nationals and they don't find this humorous at all. They felt it created an erroneous ethnic prejudice and created an unfair label about their people. The government of Kazakhstan objected to the movie for its misrepresentation of the country. Forbes.com reported about the “pernicious influence” of the movie and how government of Kazakhstan launched a massive ad campaign to salvage the country’s image.
An important question to answer is, does the entertainment industry reflect the characteristics of the society? If not, what ethical consideration should it make to create a better understanding of the ‘other’ culture? Can the media, both as journalism and creative arts, truly play a catalytic role? Do mass media have a responsibility to differentiate between reality and stereotype?
In the Code of Ethics of the Society of Professional Journalists, there is a clear guideline, “Avoid stereotyping by race, gender, age, religion, ethnicity, geography, sexual orientation, disability, physical appearance or social status.” This guideline almost puts a journalist to perform a didactic role in an attempt to treat others with dignity. That is for journalists who strive for objectivity.
But how much is too much in the field of creative expression? Is there a line that one shouldn't cross? Well, that's another serious debate.
May 09, 2008
An onward march toward media professionalism in Nepal
(This is an excerpt of my short analysis of the struggle between free press and professionalism after the restoration of Democracy in 1990.)
Nepal has been a democracy in the making for more than half a century now. Theoretically, all the four Constitutions since 1948 supported the ideals of liberalism and pluralism. In the democratization process, journalists claim to have played an important role in the “upliftment of Nepalese society” (FNJ, 2008). The first step toward professionalism was the establishment of the Press Commission in 1959. The formation of a 12-member Press Council in 1972 was the next important decision that aimed to develop “healthy journalism” (Press Council Nepal, 2008). However, the history of the press goes back to as early as 1851 when prime minister Jung Bahadur Rana started the Giddhe press. Fifty years later, Gorkhapatra, a state-owned newspaper came to the scene. But the press could not enjoy full freedom, especially after 1960 when the party less Panchayat system of government controlled the press. The Council was forced to follow the policies formulated by the government of the time.
Unlike the development of media in the region, Nepal was silently left out due to its internal political instability and little geo-political significance in the region. Constitutional guarantee of the press came to a complete halt when the King dismissed the elected government and assumed executive powers in 2005. The hope for free press is revived once again after the April 2008 Constituent Assembly election which is charged with the making of a new constitution. Until then, the Interim Constitution of Nepal-2007 continues to guarantee “full freedom of the press” (The Interim Constitution, 2008). To help the press function professionally, the Code of Journalistic Ethics has been revised and amended in 2008 (Press Council Nepal, 2008).
Present Issues of the mediaThough the idea of free press was upheld by the rulers, it did not thrive as a profession until after the restoration of democracy in 1990. The history of Nepali journalism has been dominated more by the diktat of the political parties who had been fighting the autocratic rule in the nation. Since the media supported the democratic ideals, it tended to naturally align with the politics. In the past two decades, the media have been operating more or less independently, both as a profession and as business.
The two biggest challenges for the Nepali media are raising the professional standards and catching up with the pace of the technology, both in content generation and distribution. The use of New Media technology in communication is still a distant dream. Less than 2 percent of the total population has access to the Internet (Towards a Digital Future, 2004). Therefore, the Nepali media are still traditional as compared to media in the western world.
On one hand there are media organizations that are engaged in traditional journalistic enterprise, on the other hand there is a need to participate in global issues (UNESCO, 2004). In true essence, the Nepali media didn’t carry out the watch-dog role until the restoration of democracy in 1990. The development of media has been supported mainly by foreign sponsored agencies. The ideology of the nation that supports any project has influenced the development of the media. For instance, a German sponsored project run by FES-NEPAL states its preference to enhance media coverage in “issues pertaining to conflict management and strengthening media role in democratization process” (FES-NEPAL, 2003). Another program implemented by USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives in 2006 focused on “transition to peace and democracy.” One of the objectives of the program was to “increase access to information and diversify public debate on issues critical to the political transition” (USAID/OTI, 2007). However, the program spent only 5 percent of the total $3.5 million budget.
Several international projects of similar nature are implemented in Nepal. But there are hardly any national or international strategies that focus on improving the overall quality of journalism. While there is a general agreement that journalists lack proper training and need specialized skills in reporting, partisan media have themselves been the biggest impediment in creating a value-based journalism. Since the development of journalism has been a fight for the freedom of press, the question of journalist integrity has received less attention.
For example, in June 6, 2001 a privately owned daily newspaper published an article by an underground Maoist rebel leader criticizing the king for masterminding the infamous royal massacre. The editor-in-chief and two executives were immediately arrested on sedition charges. The arrest led to worldwide condemnation and an appeal to release the journalists. Yubaraj Ghimire, the editor-in-chief, later said to the New York Times that his decision to publish the article was to present uncensored views of “person whose opinion is important to the nation” (Dugger, 2001, “Plot Thickens in Nepal”). The author of the article reacted to the incident after six months and wrote in the Monthly Review saying “Since a strict press censorship is imposed and the general public is subjected to one-sided royal military propaganda, the outside world is forced to buy the deliberately floated theory that the fight there is between ‘democracy’ and ‘terrorism’” (Bhattarai, 2002, “Birth Pangs of Democracy”).
Media Censorship
On February 1, 2005, King Gyanendra took absolute power by dismissing the government on charges of not holding the general election and the inability to restore peace. Immediately after he appeared on the television, telephone lines, cable and Internet connections were cut. The Army started patrolling the streets. Houses of prominent leaders were surrounded by the military. This was the second time he assumed political power after he became King in 2001 following the Narayanhiti Palace massacre that saw the death of 10 members of the royal family.
After the takeover, the fundamental rights of the citizens were curtailed. Military personnel were posted in media outlets and all news reports were monitored before they were published. There was a complete ban on FM stations that broadcast news. Equipments from stations were seized and journalists were beaten up. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in its 2006 report mentions that out of 1,066 cases of media censorship worldwide 567 alone were recorded in Nepal including two deaths. (Reporters Without Borders, 2006). Nepal was also placed in the list of “Enemies of the Internet” (p. 6). Even though the emergency was lifted on April 30, the independent media lived in great fear as a result they started imposing self-censorship. Even the state-run media faced some amount of censorship.
It was only when the press was facing such extreme censorship, Nepal got into the blogosphere. Views that could not be expressed in the mainstream media were now seen in blog sites like blog.com.np and mysansar.com. The educated Nepalese people craved not just for news but also waited for the censorship to be over so that they could see the media function the role of watch-dog, a role that was just beginning to be realized as an effective means in nation building process.
Brief history of Journalism in Nepal
The year 1950 marks the beginning of democracy in Nepal. With the end of Rana oligarchy and the return of King Tribhuvan B.B. Shah to Nepal from exile in India, democratic institutions were formed on the models of the Western countries, especially the UK. The freedom of the press has always been guaranteed with the promulgation of the constitutions in 1962, 1990 and 2006, but time and again the state has imposed restriction of some kind. There is hardly any historical record between the period of 1851 and 1960 with regards to the state of the media. When the state-run Radio Nepal was established in 1951, it had the characteristics of an Authoritarian model. But over the past decades the impressive development of community-radio stations has set a model even for commercial stations that broadcast in community-radio style. This transition from a strict control to following a Social Responsibility Model has not been that successful in the print media. The state-run Gorkhapatra that started as a weekly in 1901 was converted to a daily in 1960. However, even until today, the newspaper could not break away from the grip of the government, primarily because of the state control in appointing the management board.
The situation is similar in the state-run Nepal Television that was established in 1985. The total number of newspapers has increased by more than 60 percent since 2000. As of April 2007, a total of 4,600 newspapers have been registered, out of which 341 are daily newspapers and 1667 are weeklies. (Nepal Press Institute, 2008).
With the opening up of airwaves in 1995, commercial, cooperative and community-owned radio and television stations showed their independent presence. This breakaway from state-control and control from the political parties is the first step toward professionalism.
The community-owned FM radio stations are now networked to benefit from programs produced by other stations. In 2001 a project called Networking FM Radio Stations in Nepal (NFMRSN) was supported by Center for Advanced Media Prague and Panos Institute South Asia. The objective of this project was to “enable all radio stations in Nepal (FM/AM/SW) to benefit from shared program content by establishing a network that connects them through a mixture of internet, wireless and other new media technology” (PANOS South Asia, 2007). Nearly 50 FM stations currently run programs through such networks.
The most impressive feature of the growth is the spatial distribution of the stations across the nation ranging from lowlands to midland to remote areas. The initiative of the private sector is a breakaway from the state-centric model that was characteristic of the Southeast Asian political culture. Atkins (2002) mention that the idea of nation-building was tied to the media policy, and “television worked both to educate and promote national identification in the interests of national development and cohesion” (p. 14). Since the politics in the region has to accommodate a diverse culture, mass media was used to propagate messages that favored the ruling parties. Domestic media organizations were required to support state authorities by airing positive news about the government and ignoring the negative news of the opposition.
The idea that free media will disturb the social cohesion of a diverse society was a strong argument that leaders in Southeast Asia pursued for nearly half a century. However, the wave of liberalization in the 1990s, finally, paved a way toward free media enterprise that also influenced the scenario in Nepal significantly which brought professional interest in the practice of journalism.
(Write to me to read the complete paper. Thanks!)
April 28, 2008
Powerful Friendship Kills Professional Ethics
When Kantipur, the most-widely read vernacular daily in Nepal, came in the scene two years after the restoration of democracy in 1990, people had high hopes toward independent media and other democratic institutions. In fact, Kantipur's early success was due its ability to fill the void that the state media had created. People needed to know more than one side of the story, and Kantipur told them without an agenda. That's what I thought what Kantipur was - a newspaper without it's own agenda, a newspaper that "served" the public - until the day when I met the chairman who told me and my friends why his newspaper would not publish the acts of nepotism of the Vice Chancellor of Kathmandu University where I worked. That was the day when I lost hope in Kantipur. This is the same daily that fought so bravely against the corrupt monarchy. It dared to publish articles by an underground Maoist leader for which the editor and two executives were locked up in 2001.
When we met the chairman of Kantipur Publications Pvt. Ltd., we gave him proof of how the VC had blatantly compromised all academic and professional values in the university. We gave him facts about all acts of nepotism, like appointing his brothers, daughter and close relatives in academic and administrative positions. We told him how he influenced the admission, examination and how he virtually controlled everything in the university. Besides his own act of nepotism, we gave sufficient proof of how other administrative heads are directly involved in policy-level corruption. We met the Chairman as members of a newly formed professors' association that was agitating to oust the VC.
(Please remember that the editors of Kantipur told us they cannot publish without the publisher's consent.)
After listening to everything that we had to say, he frankly told us, "The VC is my friend. I have known him for 20 years now. He has asked me not to publish anything against him. What you are saying is true. But I will not publish."
We had nothing to say after that. We did not argue. We did not rationalize. Later, we discussed how a poor country like ours is ruled by a bunch of corrupt people who thrive purely on such collusion.
How can we further the cause of democracy if universities and media don't function transparently? How can media serve the public if they have their own favorite agenda?
Later, we organized a series of protests against nepotism, corruption, and lack of transparency in the institution. We took the case even to the prime minister who heavily favored the VC. It was the biggest revolt in the history of the university. After our visit to the PM's office, one of the technical staff was called by the dean in his office and threatened to fire him if he went against the VC. Three days later, he committed suicide. No media reported it. The regional reporter from Kantipur had sent the story, but it was not published. The newspaper killed the story in favor of the VC. The wife of the deceased gave a testimony to the media that was sufficient to charge the dean with second-degree murder. But, we later heard that she was silenced with a job in a remote area. The media did not report. The media is least interested to go beyond the PR loop that successfully feeds the 'good image' of the VC who has been head of the institution ever since its establishment in 1991.
I think we have to go beyond write-what-you-see model of journalism to find-out-so-that-others-can-see model if we have to serve in the public interest.
(Originally written for JMC ethics blog.)
When we met the chairman of Kantipur Publications Pvt. Ltd., we gave him proof of how the VC had blatantly compromised all academic and professional values in the university. We gave him facts about all acts of nepotism, like appointing his brothers, daughter and close relatives in academic and administrative positions. We told him how he influenced the admission, examination and how he virtually controlled everything in the university. Besides his own act of nepotism, we gave sufficient proof of how other administrative heads are directly involved in policy-level corruption. We met the Chairman as members of a newly formed professors' association that was agitating to oust the VC.
(Please remember that the editors of Kantipur told us they cannot publish without the publisher's consent.)
After listening to everything that we had to say, he frankly told us, "The VC is my friend. I have known him for 20 years now. He has asked me not to publish anything against him. What you are saying is true. But I will not publish."
We had nothing to say after that. We did not argue. We did not rationalize. Later, we discussed how a poor country like ours is ruled by a bunch of corrupt people who thrive purely on such collusion.
How can we further the cause of democracy if universities and media don't function transparently? How can media serve the public if they have their own favorite agenda?
Later, we organized a series of protests against nepotism, corruption, and lack of transparency in the institution. We took the case even to the prime minister who heavily favored the VC. It was the biggest revolt in the history of the university. After our visit to the PM's office, one of the technical staff was called by the dean in his office and threatened to fire him if he went against the VC. Three days later, he committed suicide. No media reported it. The regional reporter from Kantipur had sent the story, but it was not published. The newspaper killed the story in favor of the VC. The wife of the deceased gave a testimony to the media that was sufficient to charge the dean with second-degree murder. But, we later heard that she was silenced with a job in a remote area. The media did not report. The media is least interested to go beyond the PR loop that successfully feeds the 'good image' of the VC who has been head of the institution ever since its establishment in 1991.
I think we have to go beyond write-what-you-see model of journalism to find-out-so-that-others-can-see model if we have to serve in the public interest.
(Originally written for JMC ethics blog.)
April 08, 2008
Creating Youth Identities in Digital Era (Book Review)
Youth, Identity, and Digital Media. Edited by David Buckingham. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2008. ix, 206 pp.
The period of youth is a time to define and redefine individual identities in relation to the environment around them. Creating these new definitions is influenced by the way people engage themselves in various socio-cultural and technological entities. Today, the use of technology is one such influence that affects the sense of self in creating an identity.
Unlike two decades ago, today young people are exposed to digital media almost as a natural part of their life. Interaction with digital media forms is becoming a casual routine that has grave implications on their experience as learners or consumers or members of the family. The book deals with the effect of digital media and how it impacts individual in the creation of their social identities.
Eleven authors contribute to explore the ways young people use digital media in their “networks.” The individual liberty in creating one’s own network is what determines the actual level of influence the media forms will have upon that individual. The authors discuss the roles media genres have in both Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 settings and explore whether the digital environment actually is a true platform for social interaction.
As digital media become more and more pervasive in our daily lives, their roles “escaped the boundaries of professional and formal practice” which originally led to their development. This “non-institutionalized” use of digital media is best exemplified by the way youths have imbibed the technology in their daily lives almost as a granted phenomenon. The book discusses how learning takes place in such informal and non-institutional settings as digital media cuts across the formal educational settings.
The chapter by Sandra Weber deals with what will become of a “techno-newborn” who is instantly exposed to the multitude means of digital communication. She examines this question with case studies to “highlight the roles that digital media can assume in the construction of youth identities.” Because understanding the identity involves understanding the ways in which digital products are produced and consumed, scholars propose collapsing the two into one word, “prosumers.” This is one of the entry points that unravels the mystery in the construction and deconstruction of youth identity. She refers to how youths visit their Web sites to check the number of hits to understand how their self-created identity is faring in their own network.
Another significant feature discussed in the book is the tendency to break away from the formal educational setting once youth find opportunity to do so. Rebekah Willet discusses the engagement on the Internet within the context of commercial culture to “analyze online activities in ways which account for the power and influence of commercial industries, while at the same time recognizing how young people actively engage with the commodities these industries offer.” Her discussion focuses on the relationship between the “structures of consumerism and the agency of the young consumer/producer.”
Once when television was beginning to be accepted a part of the living room décor, older generation often complained at how the “idiot box” is waning away the creativity of a child. Nevertheless, later generations were born into the house where the TV was always on. The situation is similar today with a new breed of babies born not just with the digital technologies, but with the latest know-how to play with them. On one hand there is a large digital divide across the globe, on the other, there is generational divide – a divide between the older generation separated by youths who are more tech-savvy. Susan Herring’s “Questioning the Generational Divide: Technological Exoticism and Adult Constructions of Online Youth Identity” explores whether the present tech-generation will actually guide the future of the digital media, or whether “today’s young trendsetters become conservative technology users over time.”
In this interesting study, she speculates about the “dual consciousness” of youth perspective to “imagine what the first generation to be raised in a world in which Internet and mobile technologies are taken for granted by everyone will be like.” She concludes saying the “fascination” with technology will move away to focus more on the “communicative needs.” Such needs also function to show “commitments to community dialogue and social justice” as youths engage in social participation. Shelley Goldman and Angela Booker refer to this as “social and cultural technologies.”
Several authors touch upon the notion of “identity politics”- a concept that ties issues of social status. This is manifest in online expression, use of technologies by socially excluded groups. Since the book is about the digital experience of urban youth, there is no evidence how youths in rural areas seek identity with the minimum technology they are exposed to. A pertinent question is, do differing identities also share dissimilar characteristics of identity politics in disparate socio-technological environments? Or, how is individual identity made possible by digital technology?
In this regard, dana boyd analyzes use of social network sites from the perspective of creating “identity formation, status negotiation, and peer-to-peer sociality.” But the study is not clear whether these identities actually give empowerment and promote vibrant social relationship. Whether what is expressed online actually explains why youth engage in digital dialogue is another topic in the book. Because the phenomenon of cyber-bullying has caused deaths among teenagers, it would be worthwhile to understand the relationship between the content and the psychological impact it creates in the process of finding one’s identity. The book could have added a chapter that dealt primarily with theme of how being overwhelmed by the digital technology, youths lose their tendency to mold natural identity but instead mold vis-à-vis the technology around them. Though the chapter “Producing Sites, Exploring Identities: Youth Online Authorship” tries to fill this gap, elaborate discussion is needed to explain the intricacies of making and breaking of youth identity.
Overall, the book examines identity and tries to explain how youth relate with the digital media. Since explaining an abstract concept in terms of empirical methods poses methodical difficulty, the book does some justice by using the available scholarship till now. I would recommend this book to those readers whose interests lie in media effects, especially to understanding the role of youth as primary actors.
The period of youth is a time to define and redefine individual identities in relation to the environment around them. Creating these new definitions is influenced by the way people engage themselves in various socio-cultural and technological entities. Today, the use of technology is one such influence that affects the sense of self in creating an identity.
Unlike two decades ago, today young people are exposed to digital media almost as a natural part of their life. Interaction with digital media forms is becoming a casual routine that has grave implications on their experience as learners or consumers or members of the family. The book deals with the effect of digital media and how it impacts individual in the creation of their social identities.
Eleven authors contribute to explore the ways young people use digital media in their “networks.” The individual liberty in creating one’s own network is what determines the actual level of influence the media forms will have upon that individual. The authors discuss the roles media genres have in both Web 1.0 and Web 2.0 settings and explore whether the digital environment actually is a true platform for social interaction.
As digital media become more and more pervasive in our daily lives, their roles “escaped the boundaries of professional and formal practice” which originally led to their development. This “non-institutionalized” use of digital media is best exemplified by the way youths have imbibed the technology in their daily lives almost as a granted phenomenon. The book discusses how learning takes place in such informal and non-institutional settings as digital media cuts across the formal educational settings.
The chapter by Sandra Weber deals with what will become of a “techno-newborn” who is instantly exposed to the multitude means of digital communication. She examines this question with case studies to “highlight the roles that digital media can assume in the construction of youth identities.” Because understanding the identity involves understanding the ways in which digital products are produced and consumed, scholars propose collapsing the two into one word, “prosumers.” This is one of the entry points that unravels the mystery in the construction and deconstruction of youth identity. She refers to how youths visit their Web sites to check the number of hits to understand how their self-created identity is faring in their own network.
Another significant feature discussed in the book is the tendency to break away from the formal educational setting once youth find opportunity to do so. Rebekah Willet discusses the engagement on the Internet within the context of commercial culture to “analyze online activities in ways which account for the power and influence of commercial industries, while at the same time recognizing how young people actively engage with the commodities these industries offer.” Her discussion focuses on the relationship between the “structures of consumerism and the agency of the young consumer/producer.”
Once when television was beginning to be accepted a part of the living room décor, older generation often complained at how the “idiot box” is waning away the creativity of a child. Nevertheless, later generations were born into the house where the TV was always on. The situation is similar today with a new breed of babies born not just with the digital technologies, but with the latest know-how to play with them. On one hand there is a large digital divide across the globe, on the other, there is generational divide – a divide between the older generation separated by youths who are more tech-savvy. Susan Herring’s “Questioning the Generational Divide: Technological Exoticism and Adult Constructions of Online Youth Identity” explores whether the present tech-generation will actually guide the future of the digital media, or whether “today’s young trendsetters become conservative technology users over time.”
In this interesting study, she speculates about the “dual consciousness” of youth perspective to “imagine what the first generation to be raised in a world in which Internet and mobile technologies are taken for granted by everyone will be like.” She concludes saying the “fascination” with technology will move away to focus more on the “communicative needs.” Such needs also function to show “commitments to community dialogue and social justice” as youths engage in social participation. Shelley Goldman and Angela Booker refer to this as “social and cultural technologies.”
Several authors touch upon the notion of “identity politics”- a concept that ties issues of social status. This is manifest in online expression, use of technologies by socially excluded groups. Since the book is about the digital experience of urban youth, there is no evidence how youths in rural areas seek identity with the minimum technology they are exposed to. A pertinent question is, do differing identities also share dissimilar characteristics of identity politics in disparate socio-technological environments? Or, how is individual identity made possible by digital technology?
In this regard, dana boyd analyzes use of social network sites from the perspective of creating “identity formation, status negotiation, and peer-to-peer sociality.” But the study is not clear whether these identities actually give empowerment and promote vibrant social relationship. Whether what is expressed online actually explains why youth engage in digital dialogue is another topic in the book. Because the phenomenon of cyber-bullying has caused deaths among teenagers, it would be worthwhile to understand the relationship between the content and the psychological impact it creates in the process of finding one’s identity. The book could have added a chapter that dealt primarily with theme of how being overwhelmed by the digital technology, youths lose their tendency to mold natural identity but instead mold vis-à-vis the technology around them. Though the chapter “Producing Sites, Exploring Identities: Youth Online Authorship” tries to fill this gap, elaborate discussion is needed to explain the intricacies of making and breaking of youth identity.
Overall, the book examines identity and tries to explain how youth relate with the digital media. Since explaining an abstract concept in terms of empirical methods poses methodical difficulty, the book does some justice by using the available scholarship till now. I would recommend this book to those readers whose interests lie in media effects, especially to understanding the role of youth as primary actors.
April 01, 2008
Coverage of the Tibet crisis by CNN.com
Allison Rupp writes the magnificent journey to Lhasa in his article The Sky Train on CNN.com only three days before the exiled Tibetans in India began their march to China to protest Beijing’s hosting of the Olympic Games. The March 10th protest coincided with the uprising against China that forced the Dalai Lama into exile in 1959. Protests in India and Nepal were marked with violence. News of unprecedented world-wide protests were reported all over the world. The Chinese government ignored the issue for couple days, but as the protests grew more violent, China reacted by saying that the whole episode was orchestrated by the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama has condemned China's statements and extreme actions.
Ever since the protests began, CNN.com has written more than 70 articles to date, and has posted nearly 140 videos on the Web site. This is a remarkable media coverage given the time span of just three weeks.
Let me briefly discuss how CNN.com reports present the Tibetan side of the story more positively or neutrally and the Chinese side of the story more neutrally and negatively. These reports cover violence in different parts of the world, mostly in India and Nepal. The write-up is based on my experience of reading and watching stories posted on the Web site over the period. I haven't employed any empirical methods to come to a conclusion, hence I must warn you the evaluation might seem subjective!
As violence continues across Lhasa and Nepal, the international community has appealed for peace. The European Union has appealed China to handle the Tibet crisis peacefully calling for respecting Tibet's cultural heritage and maintaining China’s integrity at the same time. The Dalai Lama has called this crisis a ‘cultural genocide’ and the Chinese government blames him for perpetuating violence deliberately.
In the CNN.com reports, what is most glaringly seen is the viewpoint of the Tibetans mostly and not that of the Chinese. The Tibetans have a human interest frame, whereas the Chinese have only the official version which is mostly the denunciation of the Dalai Lama. But as we go to alternative media like YouTube, there are several videos counteracting what the western media have been portraying about the protests. These response-videos and blogs have mostly targeted the western media for overweighing the Tibetan’s cause. In doing so, they have used this medium to put forth their own biased message. One of the YouTube videos shows why an independent Tibet is not acceptable to the Chinese.
The video attempts to expose the myth of the ‘crackdown’ in mainland China. It shows images that were actually taken in Nepal and printed by the western media, including the BBC, Bild Zeitung, CNN, Aljazeera, and others. Very clearly, this video itself presents a slant, but the international media haven’t been fair either in reporting the exact nature of violence that erupted in the streets of Lhasa or in Nepal, India or other parts of the world. This is an excellent example of how the gatekeepers control the message in the newsroom. The Tibet crisis also brings the question of whether international media have differing parameters in tackling issues of the Communist regimes like Russia, China, and some Latin American countries. The historical aspect of the country in the present crisis is completely ignored.
The history of how Tibet was a part of China during the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties until the making of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 is what is often referred. China ‘regained’ Tibet in 1950 when it was under the influence of the British Colonial Empire. Historians contest whether Tibet is a suzerain of China or an autonomous region. But the Chinese consider it as part of the territory, much like Taiwan and Hong Kong. While the relationship with Taiwan isn’t what the Chinese want to discuss, Tibet’s case has brought infamy to the Chinese. A majority of the Chinese believe the Dalai Lama is funded by the CIA ever since his exile in 1959. In the news covered by the CNN.com, there is no indication of any covert funding, but the US has sponsored a radio station and a Web site. The Chinese see this as signs of anti-China policy, and actually an instance of supporting the Tibetans cause in breaking away from China.
The media have, however, not reported the history behind the present crisis. News reports have merely focused on the event itself, and long form report that occasionally report the historical facts use most of their space talking about how the upcoming Olympics will be hurt.
Once I had an opportunity to talk to a Chinese student regarding this crisis. He candidly remarked that it’s the so-called ‘fair, western media’ that actually propagates ‘Free Tibet’ slogan more vociferously than the Tibetans themselves.
The Chinese model of authoritarian press doesn’t permit independent reporting. In China, you ought to support the state, and it’s the state’s interests that matters most. The press is the product of the regime.
When the only journalist from the western media -The Economist - was invited to visit Tibet, Chinese official had hoped a more positive coverage based on the subsidy granted. However, the nature of violence was too brutal to be ignored. The magazine reports that Lhasa television “broadcast over and over again, alternately in Tibetan and Chinese, a government statement accusing the “Dalai Lama clique” of being behind the violence by a ‘small number’ of rioters.”
Where can you find a truly objective media?
Ever since the protests began, CNN.com has written more than 70 articles to date, and has posted nearly 140 videos on the Web site. This is a remarkable media coverage given the time span of just three weeks.
Let me briefly discuss how CNN.com reports present the Tibetan side of the story more positively or neutrally and the Chinese side of the story more neutrally and negatively. These reports cover violence in different parts of the world, mostly in India and Nepal. The write-up is based on my experience of reading and watching stories posted on the Web site over the period. I haven't employed any empirical methods to come to a conclusion, hence I must warn you the evaluation might seem subjective!
As violence continues across Lhasa and Nepal, the international community has appealed for peace. The European Union has appealed China to handle the Tibet crisis peacefully calling for respecting Tibet's cultural heritage and maintaining China’s integrity at the same time. The Dalai Lama has called this crisis a ‘cultural genocide’ and the Chinese government blames him for perpetuating violence deliberately.
In the CNN.com reports, what is most glaringly seen is the viewpoint of the Tibetans mostly and not that of the Chinese. The Tibetans have a human interest frame, whereas the Chinese have only the official version which is mostly the denunciation of the Dalai Lama. But as we go to alternative media like YouTube, there are several videos counteracting what the western media have been portraying about the protests. These response-videos and blogs have mostly targeted the western media for overweighing the Tibetan’s cause. In doing so, they have used this medium to put forth their own biased message. One of the YouTube videos shows why an independent Tibet is not acceptable to the Chinese.
The video attempts to expose the myth of the ‘crackdown’ in mainland China. It shows images that were actually taken in Nepal and printed by the western media, including the BBC, Bild Zeitung, CNN, Aljazeera, and others. Very clearly, this video itself presents a slant, but the international media haven’t been fair either in reporting the exact nature of violence that erupted in the streets of Lhasa or in Nepal, India or other parts of the world. This is an excellent example of how the gatekeepers control the message in the newsroom. The Tibet crisis also brings the question of whether international media have differing parameters in tackling issues of the Communist regimes like Russia, China, and some Latin American countries. The historical aspect of the country in the present crisis is completely ignored.
The history of how Tibet was a part of China during the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties until the making of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 is what is often referred. China ‘regained’ Tibet in 1950 when it was under the influence of the British Colonial Empire. Historians contest whether Tibet is a suzerain of China or an autonomous region. But the Chinese consider it as part of the territory, much like Taiwan and Hong Kong. While the relationship with Taiwan isn’t what the Chinese want to discuss, Tibet’s case has brought infamy to the Chinese. A majority of the Chinese believe the Dalai Lama is funded by the CIA ever since his exile in 1959. In the news covered by the CNN.com, there is no indication of any covert funding, but the US has sponsored a radio station and a Web site. The Chinese see this as signs of anti-China policy, and actually an instance of supporting the Tibetans cause in breaking away from China.
The media have, however, not reported the history behind the present crisis. News reports have merely focused on the event itself, and long form report that occasionally report the historical facts use most of their space talking about how the upcoming Olympics will be hurt.
Once I had an opportunity to talk to a Chinese student regarding this crisis. He candidly remarked that it’s the so-called ‘fair, western media’ that actually propagates ‘Free Tibet’ slogan more vociferously than the Tibetans themselves.
The Chinese model of authoritarian press doesn’t permit independent reporting. In China, you ought to support the state, and it’s the state’s interests that matters most. The press is the product of the regime.
When the only journalist from the western media -The Economist - was invited to visit Tibet, Chinese official had hoped a more positive coverage based on the subsidy granted. However, the nature of violence was too brutal to be ignored. The magazine reports that Lhasa television “broadcast over and over again, alternately in Tibetan and Chinese, a government statement accusing the “Dalai Lama clique” of being behind the violence by a ‘small number’ of rioters.”
Where can you find a truly objective media?
March 11, 2008
First impressions and the sanctuary debate
My first impressions of the United States of America were developed through Western Comics. As a young boy I knew it as a country full of gun-wielding cowboys. Later, when my history teacher said it is one of the super-powers (the other was Soviet Union), I wondered how cowboys could do that. Yet later, most of what I knew about this country would come from television or other media. However, my old image lingers on as I experience a country that long forsook the wagon trains.
Ever since my nomination for a Fulbright award, I thought about ways to deal with the new situations, people and culture here. At the Gateway Orientation in New York, a speaker talked about reverse cultural shock. He said it’s not cultural shock that affects us most in an alien land, but what is more vexing is the reversecultural shock, a phenomenon of adjustment difficulty in home country after having lived here – or any foreign land.
After the NY orientation was over, I was going to my destination university. This event got me to know something odd about airplanes. After waiting for nearly an hour inside the airplane, we finally got the signal to prepare for take off at the J.F.Kennedy airport. As our aircraft slowly took the curves toward the runway, I saw more than 30 airplanes lined up in front of us – all waiting to fly. That meant another one hour wait before we hit the sky.
When I reached St. Paul, Minneapolis, to board my last flight, I found I had less than 10 minutes to get to the concourse where my plane was waiting. There was no way I could get there, not even on a sky-train. I frantically ran over the rolling floors, now cursing the legendary delays of the JFK airport. People run that fast only when chased by a raging bull. But when I got there, the boarding door was already closed. Even the attendants were gone. I had no idea what to do now. I waited at another counter for someone to show up. Shortly, a lady came in. I explained why I was late. I requested her to let me in as the plane was still there. But instead, she told me about the rules and wished me “Good Day!” handing my new ticket for the next flight along with a $10 complimentary lunch
coupon. And then, she went away.
I was now looking at my missed flight through the glass pane, waiting for it to go. But the aircraft didn’t move. Even after half an hour the plane didn’t go. I didn’t know what the problem was, but I thought, may be, just may be, I still had a chance. Luckily, the same lady came and told me I could check in if I wished.
“Definitely,” I said.
“But what’s the problem with the plane?” I asked.
“Oh, nothing. It has a flat tire,” she said it so casually as if she was talking of a hole in a bicycle tire.
This was an amusing discovery after coming to the US.
I arrived here in August 2007 to join a graduate program in journalism and mass communication. The school is surely the owner’s pride with latest state-of-theart technology. The TV or the radio studios of the school are much better than average commercial studios. As a student here, I take opportunities to let people know about Nepal. Not everyone knows where or what Nepal is, but they’ve heard about Mt. Everest and Lord Buddha. That’s where I usually
start at. People seem to show a great deal of interest about the culture. Whenever I talk about the Hindu festivals, it’s a spice. In certain occasions, I talk about how I want to generate resources for institutions in Nepal that teach mass media and also discuss scopes of development.
There are several interesting features of the society here. The most obvious is the respect for laws. There’s so much to appreciate when the road traffic comes to a complete halt as the easily recognizable yellow school bus is taking or dropping off the kids. Or, a salesperson will not sell alcohol if she suspects you are not 21. I was told a story about a child who dialed 911 because her parents were quarreling for too long in the house!
But what fascinated me most was the willingness of a church to allow the Nepali community celebrate Tihar in the church itself. For me, this gesture epitomizes the intermix of faith and secularism of this nation. I want to tell the presidential candidates for 2009 to stop debating that USA is actually becoming a sanctuary. It already is. Isn’t the much sought after peace a by-product of tolerance? Let’s talk of better ideals instead.
Originally published by USEF (the Fulbright Commission) Nepal.
Ever since my nomination for a Fulbright award, I thought about ways to deal with the new situations, people and culture here. At the Gateway Orientation in New York, a speaker talked about reverse cultural shock. He said it’s not cultural shock that affects us most in an alien land, but what is more vexing is the reversecultural shock, a phenomenon of adjustment difficulty in home country after having lived here – or any foreign land.
After the NY orientation was over, I was going to my destination university. This event got me to know something odd about airplanes. After waiting for nearly an hour inside the airplane, we finally got the signal to prepare for take off at the J.F.Kennedy airport. As our aircraft slowly took the curves toward the runway, I saw more than 30 airplanes lined up in front of us – all waiting to fly. That meant another one hour wait before we hit the sky.
When I reached St. Paul, Minneapolis, to board my last flight, I found I had less than 10 minutes to get to the concourse where my plane was waiting. There was no way I could get there, not even on a sky-train. I frantically ran over the rolling floors, now cursing the legendary delays of the JFK airport. People run that fast only when chased by a raging bull. But when I got there, the boarding door was already closed. Even the attendants were gone. I had no idea what to do now. I waited at another counter for someone to show up. Shortly, a lady came in. I explained why I was late. I requested her to let me in as the plane was still there. But instead, she told me about the rules and wished me “Good Day!” handing my new ticket for the next flight along with a $10 complimentary lunch
coupon. And then, she went away.
I was now looking at my missed flight through the glass pane, waiting for it to go. But the aircraft didn’t move. Even after half an hour the plane didn’t go. I didn’t know what the problem was, but I thought, may be, just may be, I still had a chance. Luckily, the same lady came and told me I could check in if I wished.
“Definitely,” I said.
“But what’s the problem with the plane?” I asked.
“Oh, nothing. It has a flat tire,” she said it so casually as if she was talking of a hole in a bicycle tire.
This was an amusing discovery after coming to the US.
I arrived here in August 2007 to join a graduate program in journalism and mass communication. The school is surely the owner’s pride with latest state-of-theart technology. The TV or the radio studios of the school are much better than average commercial studios. As a student here, I take opportunities to let people know about Nepal. Not everyone knows where or what Nepal is, but they’ve heard about Mt. Everest and Lord Buddha. That’s where I usually
start at. People seem to show a great deal of interest about the culture. Whenever I talk about the Hindu festivals, it’s a spice. In certain occasions, I talk about how I want to generate resources for institutions in Nepal that teach mass media and also discuss scopes of development.
There are several interesting features of the society here. The most obvious is the respect for laws. There’s so much to appreciate when the road traffic comes to a complete halt as the easily recognizable yellow school bus is taking or dropping off the kids. Or, a salesperson will not sell alcohol if she suspects you are not 21. I was told a story about a child who dialed 911 because her parents were quarreling for too long in the house!
But what fascinated me most was the willingness of a church to allow the Nepali community celebrate Tihar in the church itself. For me, this gesture epitomizes the intermix of faith and secularism of this nation. I want to tell the presidential candidates for 2009 to stop debating that USA is actually becoming a sanctuary. It already is. Isn’t the much sought after peace a by-product of tolerance? Let’s talk of better ideals instead.
Originally published by USEF (the Fulbright Commission) Nepal.
February 19, 2008
Can BBC fail?
Let me discuss whether a journalist's superficial knowledge about a particular event could undermine the credibility of a reputable news organization.
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) is unquestionably the most trusted name in the media when it comes to reporting. Its regional services have been expanded to several countries, including Nepal. These services have been providing international news in local languages. They have been equally resourceful in chronicling a local event and making it international. Local natives who work in the BBC newsroom act as an interface between the larger corporation and the smaller versions of the BBC.
Most times this relationship works, but at times it doesn’t work that well. This leads to not just misinformation but misrepresentation of an event. A case in point is how the BBC Web site in its recent story “Nepal strike hits petrol supplies” on 15 February reported by a BBC correspondent misrepresented facts about the event. It’s not that the news distorts the truth, but it does not tell the truth accurately.
There are two facets to this reporting:
1) Opinion of the reporter
2) Misrepresentation of the situation
While the news story is just a brief overview of the overall situation prevailing at that given time, the story somehow doesn’t correctly say the cause of the event which is the consequence of the larger scenario.
The event behind the news is acute fuel crises in the Kathmandu valley due to strikes in the terai (southern part of Nepal) by various political parties demanding equal representation in the forthcoming constituent assembly. The deck head hints at what the situation is and it is a correct representation of the event in itself. It says, “Nepalese petrol stations have been hit by severe fuel shortages, largely triggered by protesters blockading key roads in the south of the country.”
Being a landlocked country, Nepal is mostly dependent upon India for commerce. One of principle commodities that we import almost entirely is natural gas. But the BBC correspondent does not really investigate this fact. The news says, “Roughly 90% of Nepal's imports travel from India via the southern roads.” The truth is, it is almost 100 percent.
Such arm-chair reporting not only harms the credibility of the news organization but gives out false information. This could have been avoided if the reporters from the regional desks were consulted.
Similar misrepresentation of truth is exemplified by another example in the same story. Toward the end of the story it says, “BBC correspondents say the shortage has also been caused in part by Nepal's failure to pay its sole oil exporter, India, for outstanding fuel bills.”
In the statement above, the actual reason is not the non-payment of outstanding bills alone, but other management issues like leakage and artificial shortage created by dealers. These facts are not highlighted. Instead, the reporter is more interested in stating the fact that “almost half of Nepal's population lives in the impoverished, largely agricultural Madesh region.” Due to the reporter’s weak frame of reference objectivity in reporting is not achieved. Perhaps the news story is an outcome that merely fulfills the basic professional compulsion to cover the event.
Such reporting tactic diverts the readers’ attention from the actual event. Organizations like the BBC have a double responsibility toward its readers: First to say what is accurate, and secondly, say it in a balanced way.
Several questions arise with such reporting style.
1) Who is responsible to verify the information that comes from reporters?
2) Is the fact checked with the right sources?
3) In this case, is it proper to quote other BBC correspondents as sources for the news?
4) What purpose does it serve when a news report try to editorialize?
Since media messages have the potential to influence readers almost instantly, reporters must be careful enough in what they actually say. This is especially true in situations when nations that are poorly represented in the media are covered on the merit of an event that took place, like the fuel crises in Nepal.
What the audience expects to hear about an event should be distinguished from what the audience ought to know. It is this difference that separates good versus bad reporting.
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) is unquestionably the most trusted name in the media when it comes to reporting. Its regional services have been expanded to several countries, including Nepal. These services have been providing international news in local languages. They have been equally resourceful in chronicling a local event and making it international. Local natives who work in the BBC newsroom act as an interface between the larger corporation and the smaller versions of the BBC.
Most times this relationship works, but at times it doesn’t work that well. This leads to not just misinformation but misrepresentation of an event. A case in point is how the BBC Web site in its recent story “Nepal strike hits petrol supplies” on 15 February reported by a BBC correspondent misrepresented facts about the event. It’s not that the news distorts the truth, but it does not tell the truth accurately.
There are two facets to this reporting:
1) Opinion of the reporter
2) Misrepresentation of the situation
While the news story is just a brief overview of the overall situation prevailing at that given time, the story somehow doesn’t correctly say the cause of the event which is the consequence of the larger scenario.
The event behind the news is acute fuel crises in the Kathmandu valley due to strikes in the terai (southern part of Nepal) by various political parties demanding equal representation in the forthcoming constituent assembly. The deck head hints at what the situation is and it is a correct representation of the event in itself. It says, “Nepalese petrol stations have been hit by severe fuel shortages, largely triggered by protesters blockading key roads in the south of the country.”
Being a landlocked country, Nepal is mostly dependent upon India for commerce. One of principle commodities that we import almost entirely is natural gas. But the BBC correspondent does not really investigate this fact. The news says, “Roughly 90% of Nepal's imports travel from India via the southern roads.” The truth is, it is almost 100 percent.
Such arm-chair reporting not only harms the credibility of the news organization but gives out false information. This could have been avoided if the reporters from the regional desks were consulted.
Similar misrepresentation of truth is exemplified by another example in the same story. Toward the end of the story it says, “BBC correspondents say the shortage has also been caused in part by Nepal's failure to pay its sole oil exporter, India, for outstanding fuel bills.”
In the statement above, the actual reason is not the non-payment of outstanding bills alone, but other management issues like leakage and artificial shortage created by dealers. These facts are not highlighted. Instead, the reporter is more interested in stating the fact that “almost half of Nepal's population lives in the impoverished, largely agricultural Madesh region.” Due to the reporter’s weak frame of reference objectivity in reporting is not achieved. Perhaps the news story is an outcome that merely fulfills the basic professional compulsion to cover the event.
Such reporting tactic diverts the readers’ attention from the actual event. Organizations like the BBC have a double responsibility toward its readers: First to say what is accurate, and secondly, say it in a balanced way.
Several questions arise with such reporting style.
1) Who is responsible to verify the information that comes from reporters?
2) Is the fact checked with the right sources?
3) In this case, is it proper to quote other BBC correspondents as sources for the news?
4) What purpose does it serve when a news report try to editorialize?
Since media messages have the potential to influence readers almost instantly, reporters must be careful enough in what they actually say. This is especially true in situations when nations that are poorly represented in the media are covered on the merit of an event that took place, like the fuel crises in Nepal.
What the audience expects to hear about an event should be distinguished from what the audience ought to know. It is this difference that separates good versus bad reporting.
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